So, with 30 Under 30 nominations being currently open, it felt like the right time to talk about what recognition actually does for young women. Not in abstract terms, but in real ones.
- 30 Under 30
- Representation
- Article
Estimated reading time: 16 minutes
In the weeks and months leading up to the 2026 Scottish Parliamentary Election, Young Women Demand set out to encourage young women and girls across Scotland to actively participate in democracy. We created resources and information with the intention of empowering more young women to feel informed to take part and cast their vote. Now that the results are in and the new Scottish Government has been formed, the real work must begin in ensuring that young women are listened to and involved in the decisions that affect their lives.
Scotland now has a Parliament unlike any before it. Widely regarded as one of the most politically diverse in Holyrood’s history, we now have six different parties being represented and a wave of new MSPs bringing fresh perspectives. Yet, the Scottish Parliament still has a lot of work to do to achieve equal representation if it is to be truly reflective of our diverse society. The reduction in the number of women elected to this Scottish Parliament is a step backwards that we cannot overlook. In recent years, significant effort has gone into campaigning for a 50/50 gender balance at Holyrood, and to see even a slight regression in representation is extremely disappointing. Whilst we hope that the quality of how young women’s voices are listened to, valued and acted upon will ultimately define how we are represented, it cannot be used as a reason for us to accept fewer women in parliament.
And yet, there have been some genuine milestones at this election worth noting. Despite women making up less than half of new MSPs, a significant proportion of Cabinet and Ministerial roles are now held by women. In a historic first, Jenny Gilruth will now serve as the first openly LGBTQ+ Deputy First Minister, and two transgender MSPs were elected for the first time ever. We sincerely hope that these milestones mark the beginning of something bigger, encouraging the Scottish Parliament to recognise the importance of representation and commit to championing intersectional feminist policies that meet the needs of young women and girls, in order to build a fairer and more equal Scotland where they can thrive.
The absence of an overall majority in Parliament means that every vote will count and cross-party negotiation and compromise will be essential. As John Swinney acknowledged in his First Minister acceptance speech: “By electing a parliament of minorities, the people have given us a specific instruction to work together.” In many ways, this is not a bad thing as it means no single party can push its agenda through without scrutiny, and it creates real opportunity for the voices of civil society organisations like The Young Women’s Movement to carry weight. But it also means that things may move more slowly, and hard-fought progressive legislation will require coalitions to be built.
For many young women, the results of this election have offered hope and excitement, prompted by the election of certain MSPs who have a proven track record of championing young women’s rights and feminist policy – among them are Holly Bruce, Iris Duane and Kayleigh Kinross-O’Neill, all of whom have been involved with The Young Women’s Movement, whether through attending one of our programmes or being celebrated on our 30 Under 30 list. This has given us genuine reason to believe that young women’s issues will be heard and represented in the chamber.
But we will not pretend that everything feels entirely hopeful, because for many young women, it doesn’t. After recent reporting revealed that multiple Reform UK candidates have previously made offensive and sexist comments online, their party’s success in this election sends a worrying message that openly misogynistic politics have found a mainstream platform in our democracy. As the joint second-largest party in Holyrood, Reform UK now holds a substantial and visible voice, and we are deeply concerned about the potential impact of this on girls and young women. There is now a real fear that young women’s rights will not only be up for debate in the chamber, but could be actively targeted by some of our elected representatives. We need the Scottish Parliament to confront the increasing normalisation of misogyny in public discourse head on, so that young women feel safe engaging in democracy and their rights are protected and promoted at every level.
Using our guide to the party manifestos, the Young Women Demand Steering Group have considered each of our six demands in turn. For each demand, we have examined: what the parties have committed to in their manifestos; where cross-party consensus exists; what this might mean for the lives of young women and girls; and where the government still needs to go further. These six demands are drawn directly from our Young Women Demand manifesto and represent the key issues that young women and girls across Scotland have told us matter most to them.
We are calling on the Scottish Government to deliver on its promise to advance the rights of young women without delay, by introducing a Human Rights Bill and a Misogyny Bill, and by taking forward the recommendations of the Abortion Law Review to decriminalise abortion, as committed to in the SNP manifesto. We will continue to use our six demands as our basis for conversations with the new parliament about what further action is needed to improve young women’s lives.
“As young women, we want politicians who speak to us – not over us, about us, or on behalf of us.” (Tilda Nilsson, Young Women Demand Steering Group)
There is the potential for good cross-party consensus on the promotion of human rights in this parliament. As the largest party, the SNP are committed to introducing the Human Rights Bill for Scotland, stating in their manifesto that “At a time when marginalised communities are under attack, the SNP will always defend human rights”. Encouragingly, they could expect to receive direct support from the Greens, who are similarly committed to the bill. While Labour and the Liberal Democrats did not explicitly show a commitment to a specific Human Rights Bill, their manifestos both made reference to the need to strengthen human rights provisions and so would likely be engaged in the shaping of new legislation.
However, the presence of Reform UK is likely to disrupt the smooth passage of any human rights legislation, as the party has been vocal in their opposition to furthering rights protections. In their official Reform UK Policies and Scotland manifesto, the party references its plans to leave the European Convention on Human Rights and abolish the Hate Crime Act. The Scottish Conservatives have also been largely silent on human rights commitments. While these parties do not hold the majority opinion on rights in this session, they are likely to oppose any attempt to strengthen legal human rights protections.
Human rights are back on the agenda for this parliament, but how this plays out remains to be seen. As most parties are in favour of putting increased human rights protections in place, parliament is very likely to discuss and possibly legislate on a Human Rights Bill in this session. More worryingly, however, this means that the rights of young women and girls will be up for debate, publicly questioned (and potentially weaponised) both in Holyrood and in a media landscape where polarised views are increasingly amplified. Furthermore, Labour’s manifesto commitment to single-sex spaces based on biological sex means that any extension of human rights protections for trans women and girls is likely to be heavily contested, even within discussions where parties are in favour of a Human Rights Bill.
There is a consensus amongst almost all political parties on the importance of tackling violence against women and girls, which was reflected in their manifestos (except from Reform UK who do not mention VAWG in their manifesto). The election results leave little doubt of the political will that exists across parliament to tackle this issue, how they actually go about this remains to be seen.
Recognising and legislating on criminal offences relating to misogyny: In the previous parliamentary session, the SNP proposed bringing in a new law which would have created specific criminal offences for individuals who harass or abuse a person motivated by misogyny, but this was dropped in May last year. In their manifestos, the SNP and Greens both committed to introducing a Misogyny Bill in this new session. If both parties worked together and agreed upon the details of this new legislation, it could pass without requiring support from any other party. This presents an opportunity to create a key piece of legislation that could be significant in protecting young women from misogynistic abuse. The Liberal Democrats committed to creating a separate criminal offence to target prejudice and contempt for women as a hate crime, suggesting they might support any new misogyny legislation. Scottish Labour’s proposal to introduce a Misogyny Reduction Unit and tackle VAWG as a public health issue does not represent clear legislative commitment but suggests that some Labour MSPs could support such a bill. Reform UK’s stated desire to repeal the Hate Crime and Public Order Act (a 2021 Scottish Parliament act implemented in April 2024 that provides greater protections for those targeted by hate crime) may suggest that they are likely to oppose a Misogyny Bill.
While the specific approach to tackling misogyny differs, it is encouraging that most parties want to take action on this issue, and we hope that there is enough cross-party support for creating new legislation to protect young women and girls from misogynistic abuse.
Funding and Investment to tackle Violence Against Women and Girls: Four out of the six political parties advocated in their manifestos for increased funding to civil society organisations working on the prevention of violence and victim support. There is cross-party commitment to continued funding for women’s organisations like Rape Crisis and Women’s Aid, with the Greens going further in wanting to ensure this funding is long-term and supports BME-led services, LGBT+ survivor support and disabled women’s organisations. There is also agreement to protect and expand the ‘Fund to Leave’ which provides support to women, girls and families fleeing gender-based violence, with the Liberal Democrats focusing on rural communities and the SNP planning to extend it to all women with no restrictions.
Both the SNP and Greens want to introduce new prevention programmes, with the SNP additionally proposing a “Safer Nights Design Champion” and investment in infrastructure such as improved lighting and enhanced passive surveillance near transport hubs, designed to create safer public spaces for women.
Overall, there is clear political will to support victims, invest in violence prevention and create more punitive measures for perpetrators of violence against women and girls. The Cabinet Secretary for Justice Neil Gray, and Minister for Victims and Community Safety Kirsten Oswald, will hold responsibility for this area, and we will be watching closely to see how these manifesto commitments are translated into budget decisions and legislative action when the new government announces its programme for government later in the year.
Both the SNP and Labour have proposed tightening legislation around the creation, possession and sharing of non-consensual intimate images or “sexual deepfakes” and the Greens have pledged to work towards introducing a Misogyny and Criminal Justice Bill to tackle online abuse, which suggests there may be an opportunity for cross-party work in this area.
However, as the wider issue of internet regulation is reserved to Westminster, more work will need to be done to encourage the UK government to hold big tech companies accountable. The SNP have proposed a social media levy – “charging platforms that operate in Scotland a fee and invest those proceeds in programmes to support safer online engagement for young people”, and the Greens have proposed “devolving powers to regulate AI technologies to Holyrood”, though it is unclear whether the UK government would support either. Both the SNP and Labour show support for a UK-wide ban on social media for under 16s, as a way of protecting young people from online abuse, though we are unconvinced this would solve online gender-based violence in the absence of further regulations.
Online violence against women and girls is a key issue, with relevant legislation changes currently happening in Westminster (The Online Safety Act 2023 & The Crime and Policing Act 2026) making it an important one for Holyrood as well. As with much VAWG policy, there is a risk of punishment-focused solutions being prioritised over prevention. The only party championing prevention is the Greens, who state: “A Scotland built on care and prevention is safer, happier Scotland for all. Reversing the chronic underfunding of services that actually prevent crime – housing, youth work, mental health, addiction services, education and community support – will help us transform the justice system from the ground up and improve life for all.”
Young Women Demand has called for the regulation of digital technologies to address online violence and while Westminster still holds key powers on this issue, it is heartening to see cross party consensus in support of such regulation. Progress on Demand 4, if implemented appropriately, should also see the reduction in online violence as a natural consequence of tacking misogynistic and sexist views, attitudes and behaviours more broadly.
The SNP, Labour and the Greens all agree that action needs to be taken to tackle rising misogynistic attitudes and violence and as the largest party, the SNP have said they plan to “support efforts to combat the rise of online actors who seek to influence men and boys with material filled with hatred, misogyny and violence”. As noted in Demand 2, the SNP and Greens are aligned on introducing a Misogyny Bill and while Labour are not advocating for specific legislation, they appear to be broadly supportive of tackling this issue. The Liberal Democrats, though making no specific commitment to tackling misogyny in their manifesto, acknowledged that rising misogyny is a problem and that “Toxic role models and social media barons have platforms for bullying, hatred and scapegoating” suggesting they may support measures from the other parties. The Greens go further in proposing personal and social education covering consent-based sex education, LGBT+ inclusivity and mental health and importantly state they want solutions to be co-designed by young people – something we strongly welcome. Reform UK and the Conservatives make no mention of tackling misogyny in their manifestos and so it’s unlikely to expect any cross-party support from their MSPs to back efforts proposed to tackle misogyny and sexist views, attitudes and behaviours amongst young men.
As already mentioned above, we would welcome the swift introduction of a Misogyny bill to ensure harassment and abuse based on misogyny is outlawed in Scotland. Reform UK’s presence in parliament risks making this significantly harder to achieve, and it will likely require sustained pressure from civil society groups and young women’s organisations to maintain cross-party support on this issue and ensure momentum is not lost.
Whilst each of the manifestos differed in focus and detail, there is emerging consensus across several Scottish political parties on the need to strengthen services and increase support in relation to women’s healthcare. As the largest party in Holyrood, the SNP seek to build on their Women’s Health Plan to improve outcomes for women and girls, having published Phase Two earlier this year. Labour, the Greens and the Liberal Democrats acknowledge the frequent dismissal of women’s health concerns and call for change. The Conservatives have proposed to deliver a rival Women’s Health Charter which they say would guarantee equal treatment to women in the NHS. Reform UK did not mention women’s healthcare in their manifesto.
On abortion, the SNP, Greens and Lib Dems all agree on protecting abortion rights and supporting decriminalisation, with the Greens also calling for the expansion of abortion services – a position supported by the findings of the Review of Abortion Law in Scotland Expert Group, published in November 2025. Labour’s position is unclear as whilst some MSPs previously indicated support for decriminalisation, Anas Sarwar said the party would not pursue any changes to abortion law in this new parliament. Reform and Conservatives do not mention abortion in their manifestos.
On women’s mental health, the SNP and Scottish Lib Dems highlighted the importance of improving perinatal mental health services and support. On the topic of young people’s mental health, the Greens, Labour and the Lib Dems support improvements to Child and Adolescent Mental Health Services (CAHMS), while the SNP emphasise continued funding for school counselling services.
The SNP and Greens both identify inequalities in maternal healthcare – particularly for those from Black and Asian communities, who face increased risk of maternal mortality, as an important area requiring research and action.
It hasn’t been a great start for women’s health in Scotland after the First Minister decided to scrap the dedicated women’s health minister role, meaning that the Public Health and Women’s Health portfolio is now combined with Mental Wellbeing, Sport, Alcohol and Drugs. This is extremely disappointing and should be revised as a matter of urgency, as it suggests that women’s health is not a priority for this Scottish Government and it echoes the dismissal many young women already experience in relation to their health. It reduces visibility, representation and accountability at a time when young women demand to be seen and heard more than ever.
Phase Two of the existing Women’s Health Plan runs until 2029 with focus areas including gynaecology waiting lists, women’s mental health, cervical cancer elimination, and improving data collection on women and girls’ health. Whilst there is a promising plan in place, it remains to be seen how much focus is given to it and whether the objectives will be met without a dedicated ministerial champion. We are also concerned that Labour’s commitment to introducing single-sex wards in NHS Scotland risks becoming a political distraction at a time when the far more pressing issue of equitable healthcare outcomes is what young women themselves have told us matters the most. Overall, the cross-party consensus on several women’s health issues seems positive, but as we move forward – actions speak louder than words.
It is disappointing that no political party made any direct reference to young women’s political engagement or included any specific commitments to strengthen their democratic engagement in their manifesto. However, we welcome the Greens’ commitment to “reform how Parliament works so that it can truly represent the people of Scotland in a fair, equitable and inclusive way” and their pledge to “strengthen grassroots democracy, supporting new forms of citizen participation and decision-making“. We also hope the Liberal Democrats will champion their pledge to give young people a bigger role in shaping policies affecting them through the Youth Parliament. That said, we can’t ignore serious concerns about the arrival of Reform UK, a party whose opposition to diversity, equality and inclusion measures, including their pledge to repeal the Equality Act, signals that they are not merely indifferent to young women’s political participation, but actively hostile to the frameworks that support it.
The fact that only 35% of candidates standing in this election were women is itself a reflection of how much work remains to be done to make politics genuinely accessible to women and girls. In spite of this, we are encouraged by the election of three MSPs with direct involvement in the work of The Young Women’s Movement and we hope that this new link between our organisation’s vision and elected politics is genuinely meaningful and allows young women’s voices to be heard. Yet, we know that having allies in parliament is not the same as having young women themselves embedded in decision-making at every level and this is something that we will continue to advocate for and support. We also celebrate the increased LGBTQ+ representation within this parliament as a step towards making our democratic institutions more reflective of the diverse society they serve, and we will be pressing for this progress to extend to all underrepresented groups.
As the Scottish Parliament establishes its new committees, we will be pushing for young women to be meaningfully consulted as genuine experts in their own lives. We will be urging the new Minister for Equalities and International Development, Simita Kumar, to use her role to ensure that young women’s voices are not only listened to, but are embedded across all government decision-making from the outset.
So, with 30 Under 30 nominations being currently open, it felt like the right time to talk about what recognition actually does for young women. Not in abstract terms, but in real ones.
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